Macedonian Grammar - Horace Lunt
Macedonian Grammar - Horace Lunt
February 28, 2011
February 27, 2011
The Roman history, vol 4
The Roman history:from the building of the city ... [to the taking of Constantinople by the Turks], Volume 4
Laurence Echard, 1706
Composition of Roman armies
Page 41
Page 136
Page 154
Composition of Turkish Army
Page 451
Laurence Echard, 1706
Composition of Roman armies
Page 41
Page 136
Page 154
Composition of Turkish Army
Page 451
February 26, 2011
Проштавање – Кочо Рацин
ПРОШТАВАЊЕ
Не ли ти кажав, не ли ти кажав,
нели ти реков на проштавање?
Ич не ме чекај, ич не ме пекај
Белград е ламња, во Белград ја роб
снага по туѓи палати оставам,
снага во усни несити клавам,
и дома – дома не ќе се вратам,
не ќе ги пијам очите твои
не ќе ја гледам снагата твоја –
далеку негде сувата рака
по тебе, Вело, пустата мака
пуста ќе остане...
Знам оти ѓердан веќе не нижеш,
знам оти чеиз и ти не везеш,
знам, Вело, пусто остана сичко –
не ли си и ти аргатка клета?
Тутуни садиш, тутуни нижеш,
тутун таговно у монопол редиш,
ме споменуваш и ем си жалиш
денови – крепи тешки си редиш –
Величко, мори, другачко златна!
Но почуј, Вело, што ќе ти кажам!
Не ми се, Вело, жали и клети!
Подигни очи – очи засвети
нија очи, што душа горат!
Тој што ни, Вело, однесе сичко –
тој ни остави од темно темен
веков за мака – но и за борба.
Има на вој свет како нас многу!
Има ги, има – мачат се, копат,
копачи копат по темнината,
копачи копат и тунел дупат.
И има, има – радост голема
радост длабока во темнината:
да светиш, Вело, жар да се стопиш –
во борба гроб ти душа не зема!
На печалбарите
Не ли ти кажав, не ли ти кажав,
нели ти реков на проштавање?
Ич не ме чекај, ич не ме пекај
Белград е ламња, во Белград ја роб
снага по туѓи палати оставам,
снага во усни несити клавам,
и дома – дома не ќе се вратам,
не ќе ги пијам очите твои
не ќе ја гледам снагата твоја –
далеку негде сувата рака
по тебе, Вело, пустата мака
пуста ќе остане...
Знам оти ѓердан веќе не нижеш,
знам оти чеиз и ти не везеш,
знам, Вело, пусто остана сичко –
не ли си и ти аргатка клета?
Тутуни садиш, тутуни нижеш,
тутун таговно у монопол редиш,
ме споменуваш и ем си жалиш
денови – крепи тешки си редиш –
Величко, мори, другачко златна!
Но почуј, Вело, што ќе ти кажам!
Не ми се, Вело, жали и клети!
Подигни очи – очи засвети
нија очи, што душа горат!
Тој што ни, Вело, однесе сичко –
тој ни остави од темно темен
веков за мака – но и за борба.
Има на вој свет како нас многу!
Има ги, има – мачат се, копат,
копачи копат по темнината,
копачи копат и тунел дупат.
И има, има – радост голема
радост длабока во темнината:
да светиш, Вело, жар да се стопиш –
во борба гроб ти душа не зема!
Кочо Рацин
February 25, 2011
February 24, 2011
Chento in The Leader-Post
Tito's revolution takes familiar course
DEVOURING ITS CHILDREN
By Maurice Western
The Leader-Post - Nov 21, 1946
REGINA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1946
The Leader-Post is published by The Leader-Post. Limited. 1853 Hamflton St. Reglna. D. B Rogers Editor; Percy B. Keffer General Manager; Member of The Canadian Press
The counter-revolution is under way in Yugoslavia. Or, if you prefer, we can say that a typical Communist operation has entered its second phase. The revolution is devouring its own children. It amounts to the same thing.
I have been accused by some of my leftist friends of defending Tito during the war and attacking him now. It is quite true. Exception has been taken to a recent article on the trial of Archbishop Stepinatz, in which among other things, I accused Tito of tossing aside the old partisans. That was an unpardonable understatement.
Here are names and facts which I defy any Communist or fellow-traveller to refute.
According to recent news despatches Dragoljub Jovanovitch, leader of the Serbian Left Peasant party within the National Liberation Front has been expelled from the Serbian Assembly and awaits expulsion from the Skupshtina f6r daring to criticize the regime.
Metodi Andonov, nicknamed "Chento", formerly head of the presidium of the Macedonian auti-Fascist parliament, has been thrown into prison.
Now as it happens I know personally both Jovanovitch and Chento. I have a very vivid recollection of that spring day in Belgrade when "Borba" and "Politika" — Tito's papers — blazoned forth the glad news that Dr. Jovanovitch would lead the government licensed Left Peasant group in the Liberation Front. It was a great occasion. There was scepticism of course on the old Monarchist Right — what else would you expect? But my Communist friends were jubilant. Here was convincing proof that the front was real and not a party screen. Here was the. evidence that Yugoslavia was headed at last towards true democracy.
It is very important to note that Dr. Jovanovitch is neither a Catholic, nor a rightist, nor a monarchist, nor has it ever been suggested that he sympathized in any way with the Mihailovitch crowd. Quite the contrary. He had been a fiery radical, a little professor from Belgrade University who was too far left for the official peasant party, itself in opposition to King Alexander's dictatorship. He was suspected oi encouraging wayward students, and "respectable" parents regarded him in the same way as some conservatives regard Dr. Carlylc King or as Mitchell Hepburn viewed Professor Frank Underhill.
I had a long interview with Dr. Jovanovitch in Belgrade lasl spring. He was not then in open opposition and in fact I was referred to him by a Left Socialist who was afraid my judgments would be biassed by the bitter comments of many war-time friends.
Jovanovitch in any case had the typical Serbian peasant outlook He refused to "Hail Tito" but drew the line at defiance. "Our peasants say that it is unnecessary to apply the brakes when the car is going up hill".
But he had few illusions and spoke his mind on the subject of peasant grievances. The farmers he said were getting 3,5 dinar for wheat which cost 16 dinars t produce.
"The Communist regime ha nothing to offer the peasants. Th Russian Revolution gave ther something; land, citizenship human dignity. Here Communist can only take, take, take."
So now Jovanovitch has bee expelled from the Serbian Assembly and further degradation awaits him. But is it so surprising? Has not Marshal Tito said "Those who will persist in hindering the creation of a better future (definable of course by the regime), the reconstruction the country, the creation of something better and new (both, presumably definable by the regime) will have to disappear from the face of the earth".
"We will have no pity toward them and we will behave toward them as against our worst enemies. We cannot stop halfway. Our road is already marked".
Macedonia, during four years of Nazi night, had been a forbidden land. When I proposed a visit to that newly liberated "republic", Belgrade partisans gave me every encouragement. I have before me a list of names scribled in the spring of '45 at the suggestion of Communist officials. They were "musts" to interview, men who could interpret the new spirit, the new freedom in Yugoslavia, men who were "above suspicion". At the head of that list is "Chento".
Everyone had heard of "Chento", a legendary figure in partisan annals. He too had been an oppositionist. Twice, in 1935 and 1938, he had piled up enormous electoral majorities and had been barred from the Skupshtina by a Fascist law. Like Tito he had turned against Matchek when the Croatian leader cast in his lot with Yugoslav appeasers. Four times he had been jailed by the dictatorship for leading popular demonstrations. Once he had been marked for murder by Fascist police аnd saved only by a rebellious crowd. When the Bulgars came he was twice arrested; then he went to the mountains to fight with the partisans under the Red Banner. Correspondents are sometimes accused of "seeing the wrong people". On this particular trip my guide was a Communist journalist from Borba, Anton Kolenditch. I was introduced to "Chento" by Lazar Kolischevski, Communist vicepresident of the presidium, who lauded the war record of the head of state. "Chento" was an impressive figure, warm, friendly, intensely human. He was a wine merchant from Prilep, little Macedonian town which nestles under the ancient citadel of Marko Kraljevitch. Proudly he wore his partisan medals and he hadn't got around to discarding his army shirt. We chatted in the cabinet room, formerly the office of a Belgrade appointed Ban of Macedonia. Above his desk was an enormous photograph of Tito, superimposed on one of King Boris. "Chento" was brimming over with enthusiasm for the "greatest Yugoslav leader of all time". We talked of the ancient wrongs of Macedonia and of the new spirit abroad. He told me of the secret partisan conferences climaxed by wartime election of a Sobranje, under the very noses of the Bulgar occupants. He spoke of the clandestine meeting at the monastery of St. Prohor, of his own election as president, of plans for a free Macedonia. Lest I should question the nature of the Front, he gave me his personal assurance that he had never been a Communist. But what did party matter? All were for the liberation. All were for democracy.
But now "Chento" has been disgraced and imprisoned. "We cannot stop halfway", says Tito. "The altar lamp of the terror", thunders Moshe Pijade, "must never be extinguished". The revolution devours its own children. But this is not all.
In New York, Tito's case for Trieste is presented by Dr. Ljubo Leontich, Yugoslavia's "all-things-to-all men" ambassador to the United Kingdom. And who is Dt. Leontich? "One of the first outright Fascists in Yugoslavia". That is not my accusation. It comes from the former chief of the foreign press section of Tito's own ministry of information.
Correspondents are not attacking what they formerly defended. They are attacking something quite different—the Communist counter - revolution. Jovanovitch may die and Chento may die but the Yugoslav peasants cannot be crushed. Tito's final answer will come from them.
Дополнително:
DEVOURING ITS CHILDREN
By Maurice Western
The Leader-Post - Nov 21, 1946
REGINA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1946
The Leader-Post is published by The Leader-Post. Limited. 1853 Hamflton St. Reglna. D. B Rogers Editor; Percy B. Keffer General Manager; Member of The Canadian Press
The counter-revolution is under way in Yugoslavia. Or, if you prefer, we can say that a typical Communist operation has entered its second phase. The revolution is devouring its own children. It amounts to the same thing.
I have been accused by some of my leftist friends of defending Tito during the war and attacking him now. It is quite true. Exception has been taken to a recent article on the trial of Archbishop Stepinatz, in which among other things, I accused Tito of tossing aside the old partisans. That was an unpardonable understatement.
Here are names and facts which I defy any Communist or fellow-traveller to refute.
According to recent news despatches Dragoljub Jovanovitch, leader of the Serbian Left Peasant party within the National Liberation Front has been expelled from the Serbian Assembly and awaits expulsion from the Skupshtina f6r daring to criticize the regime.
Metodi Andonov, nicknamed "Chento", formerly head of the presidium of the Macedonian auti-Fascist parliament, has been thrown into prison.
Now as it happens I know personally both Jovanovitch and Chento. I have a very vivid recollection of that spring day in Belgrade when "Borba" and "Politika" — Tito's papers — blazoned forth the glad news that Dr. Jovanovitch would lead the government licensed Left Peasant group in the Liberation Front. It was a great occasion. There was scepticism of course on the old Monarchist Right — what else would you expect? But my Communist friends were jubilant. Here was convincing proof that the front was real and not a party screen. Here was the. evidence that Yugoslavia was headed at last towards true democracy.
It is very important to note that Dr. Jovanovitch is neither a Catholic, nor a rightist, nor a monarchist, nor has it ever been suggested that he sympathized in any way with the Mihailovitch crowd. Quite the contrary. He had been a fiery radical, a little professor from Belgrade University who was too far left for the official peasant party, itself in opposition to King Alexander's dictatorship. He was suspected oi encouraging wayward students, and "respectable" parents regarded him in the same way as some conservatives regard Dr. Carlylc King or as Mitchell Hepburn viewed Professor Frank Underhill.
I had a long interview with Dr. Jovanovitch in Belgrade lasl spring. He was not then in open opposition and in fact I was referred to him by a Left Socialist who was afraid my judgments would be biassed by the bitter comments of many war-time friends.
Jovanovitch in any case had the typical Serbian peasant outlook He refused to "Hail Tito" but drew the line at defiance. "Our peasants say that it is unnecessary to apply the brakes when the car is going up hill".
But he had few illusions and spoke his mind on the subject of peasant grievances. The farmers he said were getting 3,5 dinar for wheat which cost 16 dinars t produce.
"The Communist regime ha nothing to offer the peasants. Th Russian Revolution gave ther something; land, citizenship human dignity. Here Communist can only take, take, take."
So now Jovanovitch has bee expelled from the Serbian Assembly and further degradation awaits him. But is it so surprising? Has not Marshal Tito said "Those who will persist in hindering the creation of a better future (definable of course by the regime), the reconstruction the country, the creation of something better and new (both, presumably definable by the regime) will have to disappear from the face of the earth".
"We will have no pity toward them and we will behave toward them as against our worst enemies. We cannot stop halfway. Our road is already marked".
♦ ♦ ♦
Macedonia, during four years of Nazi night, had been a forbidden land. When I proposed a visit to that newly liberated "republic", Belgrade partisans gave me every encouragement. I have before me a list of names scribled in the spring of '45 at the suggestion of Communist officials. They were "musts" to interview, men who could interpret the new spirit, the new freedom in Yugoslavia, men who were "above suspicion". At the head of that list is "Chento".
Everyone had heard of "Chento", a legendary figure in partisan annals. He too had been an oppositionist. Twice, in 1935 and 1938, he had piled up enormous electoral majorities and had been barred from the Skupshtina by a Fascist law. Like Tito he had turned against Matchek when the Croatian leader cast in his lot with Yugoslav appeasers. Four times he had been jailed by the dictatorship for leading popular demonstrations. Once he had been marked for murder by Fascist police аnd saved only by a rebellious crowd. When the Bulgars came he was twice arrested; then he went to the mountains to fight with the partisans under the Red Banner. Correspondents are sometimes accused of "seeing the wrong people". On this particular trip my guide was a Communist journalist from Borba, Anton Kolenditch. I was introduced to "Chento" by Lazar Kolischevski, Communist vicepresident of the presidium, who lauded the war record of the head of state. "Chento" was an impressive figure, warm, friendly, intensely human. He was a wine merchant from Prilep, little Macedonian town which nestles under the ancient citadel of Marko Kraljevitch. Proudly he wore his partisan medals and he hadn't got around to discarding his army shirt. We chatted in the cabinet room, formerly the office of a Belgrade appointed Ban of Macedonia. Above his desk was an enormous photograph of Tito, superimposed on one of King Boris. "Chento" was brimming over with enthusiasm for the "greatest Yugoslav leader of all time". We talked of the ancient wrongs of Macedonia and of the new spirit abroad. He told me of the secret partisan conferences climaxed by wartime election of a Sobranje, under the very noses of the Bulgar occupants. He spoke of the clandestine meeting at the monastery of St. Prohor, of his own election as president, of plans for a free Macedonia. Lest I should question the nature of the Front, he gave me his personal assurance that he had never been a Communist. But what did party matter? All were for the liberation. All were for democracy.
But now "Chento" has been disgraced and imprisoned. "We cannot stop halfway", says Tito. "The altar lamp of the terror", thunders Moshe Pijade, "must never be extinguished". The revolution devours its own children. But this is not all.
♦ ♦ ♦
In New York, Tito's case for Trieste is presented by Dr. Ljubo Leontich, Yugoslavia's "all-things-to-all men" ambassador to the United Kingdom. And who is Dt. Leontich? "One of the first outright Fascists in Yugoslavia". That is not my accusation. It comes from the former chief of the foreign press section of Tito's own ministry of information.
Correspondents are not attacking what they formerly defended. They are attacking something quite different—the Communist counter - revolution. Jovanovitch may die and Chento may die but the Yugoslav peasants cannot be crushed. Tito's final answer will come from them.
Дополнително:
February 23, 2011
Roman Emperor Micheal's Army
Composition of Roman Emperor Micheal's Army in 1307
The modern part of An universal history, from the earliest accounts to the present time, Volume 9
Printed for C. Bathurst, J. F. and C. Rivington, A. Hamilton, T. Payne, T. Longman, S. Crowder, B. Law, T. Becket, J. Robson, F. Newbery, G. Robinson, T. Cadell, J. and T. Bowles, S. Bladon, J. Murray, and W. Fox., 1781
The modern part of An universal history, from the earliest accounts to the present time, Volume 9
Printed for C. Bathurst, J. F. and C. Rivington, A. Hamilton, T. Payne, T. Longman, S. Crowder, B. Law, T. Becket, J. Robson, F. Newbery, G. Robinson, T. Cadell, J. and T. Bowles, S. Bladon, J. Murray, and W. Fox., 1781
February 22, 2011
Сираче - Константин Миладинов
СИРАЧЕ
Сираче момче сејало
И јадна песна пејало:
Каде се чуло, видело
Седум години во село
Да сеа, жниа и пота
И от мојата работа
До зрнце да се изабит
От чужи да се разграбит!
А ја сираче да шетам
И улиците да метам,
Везден работа нивата,
Без да си крена главата.
Дожд да врнит? но ја не седа,
А работата си гледа!
Вечер ке зајдит с’нцето,
Ја ушче шета полето.
Раното с’нце излегвит,
На нива мене досегвит.
Сите со лебец, со вода,
А ја без корка да ода!
Сите сос рубо шарено
И сос кадифе зелено,
А ја од сите терано,
Носам од сите раздрано.
Ако ме некој погледни
И покрај себе ме седни,
Мој нарачници проклети
Јадвени пушчат клевети.
Детската радост ко цвеке
В пусто ми срце се суши,
И пред очите ми веке
Само ми счастје се вруши.
Сите си имаат роднина,
Со ним се смејет, си пејет
А мој надежди в пустина
Од силни ветри се вејет.
Некаква т’га ја има.
Се прах и пепел се чинит.
Пред мене веков как в зима
Во темни м’гли се чинит.
Сираче момче сејало
И јадна песна пејало:
Каде се чуло, видело
Седум години во село
Да сеа, жниа и пота
И от мојата работа
До зрнце да се изабит
От чужи да се разграбит!
А ја сираче да шетам
И улиците да метам,
Везден работа нивата,
Без да си крена главата.
Дожд да врнит? но ја не седа,
А работата си гледа!
Вечер ке зајдит с’нцето,
Ја ушче шета полето.
Раното с’нце излегвит,
На нива мене досегвит.
Сите со лебец, со вода,
А ја без корка да ода!
Сите сос рубо шарено
И сос кадифе зелено,
А ја од сите терано,
Носам од сите раздрано.
Ако ме некој погледни
И покрај себе ме седни,
Мој нарачници проклети
Јадвени пушчат клевети.
Детската радост ко цвеке
В пусто ми срце се суши,
И пред очите ми веке
Само ми счастје се вруши.
Сите си имаат роднина,
Со ним се смејет, си пејет
А мој надежди в пустина
Од силни ветри се вејет.
Некаква т’га ја има.
Се прах и пепел се чинит.
Пред мене веков как в зима
Во темни м’гли се чинит.
Константин Миладинов
February 21, 2011
February 20, 2011
Pittsburgh Press - Feb 14, 1904
The Pittsburgh Press - Feb 14, 1904
SUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 14, 1904
TO CONTINUE WAR IN SPRING
Macedonians Are Preparing to Speedily Renew Their Revolution
THE SITUATION IS SERIOUS.
OUTLOOK FOR TURK IS OMINOUS AT PRESENT TIME.
INSURGENTS ARE EQUIPPED.
Sofia, Bulgaria, Feb rod ry IS.—The Macedonian revolution, which ended abruptly with the approach of winter weather is to break out again this spring. The Insurrectionist leaders make no secret of the plans they are formulating to war against the Turk, and their preparations
are being carried on under the eyes of the sultan who is powerless to stop them.
Boris Sarafoff and his chief aids. General Grueff and Colonel Tzontcheff. have been spending the winter touring Europe raising funds to support the revolution, and they now have a war chest much larger than last year's. They have bought large quantities of arms and ammunition which are being sent surreptitiously across the Bulgarian frontier into Macedonia and distributed among the Insurgents for use in the spring campaign.
Sarafoff has more money than he needs for powder and shot, and he is supplying his followers with uniforms, so that he will In the future be In command of a regular army and not a mere collection of bands of ragged guerrillas.
The revolutionists will follow their old campaign methods of descending suddenly on outlying Turkish posts, and will not engage in pitched battles with the sultan's soldiers. This year most of their efforts will be directed toward drawing the Turks over the Bulgarian and eastern Roumellan frontiers, so as to force the intervention of Bulgaria.
They have high hopes of pulling Bulgaria into the row, for during the present winter agitators have been stirring up sentiment among the Bulgarian population. and the natives are more than ever prepared to force the Sofia government to go to the relief of Christian Macedonia. Prince Ferdinand is troubled over the outlook, for the situation, even at this early date is beginning to look serious. The Bulgarian war minister has demanded an extra credit of $13.000. from the skuptschina to place the Bulgarian army on a war footing, and the revolutionists believe that thin large sum would not be called for unless Bulgaria Intends to take action.
The sublime porte, by delaying the establishment of the International gendarmerie scheme in Macedonia, is playing directly into the hands of the Insurgents. With the great powers policing the disturbed area, the revolutionary leaders would have to curtail their activity for fear of bringing down on them the militant wrath of Europe, but with only Mussulman soldiers to fight against, they can take any action they wish and Europe will keep hands off.
The beginning of war in the far east is also favorable to the insurgents. Russia has been playing a double game with the Macedonians, tacitly consenting to the fomentation of discord between the sultan and his Christian subjects, so as to weaken Turkey, but at the same time holding back the revolutionists from accomplishing too much, for fear that they will secure Independence and be forever outside Russian Influences.
Since the czar has become embroiled in a war with Japan, he will be unable to give much attention to the Balkan situation. and his underhand encouragement to the revolutionists will have started them going with a momentum that he cannot stop while his forces are on the other side of the globe.
In Macedonia the reform scheme of Russia and Austria has not been carried out by the porte, and the inhabitants are just as embittered as ever against the Mohammedan regime. Their long score against the Turk is yet far from settle.
Boris Sarafov in newspapers
Даме Груев - цитати
SUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 14, 1904
TO CONTINUE WAR IN SPRING
Macedonians Are Preparing to Speedily Renew Their Revolution
THE SITUATION IS SERIOUS.
OUTLOOK FOR TURK IS OMINOUS AT PRESENT TIME.
INSURGENTS ARE EQUIPPED.
Sofia, Bulgaria, Feb rod ry IS.—The Macedonian revolution, which ended abruptly with the approach of winter weather is to break out again this spring. The Insurrectionist leaders make no secret of the plans they are formulating to war against the Turk, and their preparations
are being carried on under the eyes of the sultan who is powerless to stop them.Boris Sarafoff and his chief aids. General Grueff and Colonel Tzontcheff. have been spending the winter touring Europe raising funds to support the revolution, and they now have a war chest much larger than last year's. They have bought large quantities of arms and ammunition which are being sent surreptitiously across the Bulgarian frontier into Macedonia and distributed among the Insurgents for use in the spring campaign.
Sarafoff has more money than he needs for powder and shot, and he is supplying his followers with uniforms, so that he will In the future be In command of a regular army and not a mere collection of bands of ragged guerrillas.
The revolutionists will follow their old campaign methods of descending suddenly on outlying Turkish posts, and will not engage in pitched battles with the sultan's soldiers. This year most of their efforts will be directed toward drawing the Turks over the Bulgarian and eastern Roumellan frontiers, so as to force the intervention of Bulgaria.
They have high hopes of pulling Bulgaria into the row, for during the present winter agitators have been stirring up sentiment among the Bulgarian population. and the natives are more than ever prepared to force the Sofia government to go to the relief of Christian Macedonia. Prince Ferdinand is troubled over the outlook, for the situation, even at this early date is beginning to look serious. The Bulgarian war minister has demanded an extra credit of $13.000.
Boris Sarafov in newspapers
Даме Груев - цитати
February 19, 2011
Антон Хампл - цитати
Цитати за Македонија и македонското прашање од Антон Хампл - Претседател на Чешкословенската Социјал-демократска партија, а потоа и пратеник во Парламентот на новата Чешкословенска република:
"Сегашното "решение" на македонското прашање направи цел еден народ да биде распарчен меѓу Југославија, Бугарија и Грција и подложен на политика на терор за да се откаже од националното единство и да се асимилира во владеачката нација – или да се истреби...
Трагедијата на македонскиот народ се состои и во фактот што тој не поседува конститутивни сили, а неговите соседи го користат тоа за да ги остварат своите грабачки апетити на сметка на овој несреќен народ..." - писмен допис до "Балканска федерација""La solution actuelle de la question macedonienne a fait qu`un people enter a ete morcelle entre la Yugoslavie, la Bulgarie et la Grece et soumis a une politique de terreur pour lui faire perde l`unite nationale et l`assimiler a la nation dominante – ou l`exterminer...
La tragedie du PEUPLE MACEDONIEN consiste cepandant aussi dans le fait qu`il ne possede pas encore des forces constituantes, et ses voisins en profitent d`une facon effrenee pour satisfaire aux depens de ce malheureux people leurs appetites de lecre et de rapine..."
February 18, 2011
The Penny Encyclopædia
The Penny Encyclopædia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful KnowledgeC. Knight, 1842
Page 173
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Discovered by Dats
February 17, 2011
Голапче - Константин Миладинов
ГОЛАПЧЕ
Голапче мало хубаво, голапче златокрилесто,
Кога ти дојде при мене? И кога в часот побегна? —
Ушче ја глас ти не слушнаф: ушче те харно не видоф,
Дан ми се, мило, наљути? Дан ми се, добро насрди!
Зашч не ти хубост пофалиф, зашч не ти крилја помазниф?
Ела ми, мило, ела ми, ела ми сега при мене.
Ја ке ти хубос пофалам, ја ке ти крилја помазнам,
Ја ке те тебе назобим се со дробнаго бисера,
Ја ке те чува секога, мое ми мило, в пазува.
Голапче мало хубаво, голапче златокрилесто,
Кога ти дојде при мене? И кога в часот побегна? —
Ушче ја глас ти не слушнаф: ушче те харно не видоф,
Дан ми се, мило, наљути? Дан ми се, добро насрди!
Зашч не ти хубост пофалиф, зашч не ти крилја помазниф?
Ела ми, мило, ела ми, ела ми сега при мене.
Ја ке ти хубос пофалам, ја ке ти крилја помазнам,
Ја ке те тебе назобим се со дробнаго бисера,
Ја ке те чува секога, мое ми мило, в пазува.
Константин Миладинов
February 16, 2011
The Monthly magazine 6
The Monthly magazine, Volume 6, Sir Richard Phillips, Sherwood, Gilbert and Piper, 1798
Page 173 and 174
Discovered by Dats
Page 173 and 174
Discovered by Dats
February 15, 2011
February 14, 2011
February 13, 2011
February 12, 2011
Пиринска Македонија
Пиринска Македонија во македонското народно творештво
Пиринска Македонија во македонското народно творештво
И пиринскиот дел на Македонија исто како и егејскиот и вардарскиот, е врежан засекогаш во македонското народно творештво и во колективната свет на Македонците.
Во македонската народна песна “Имала мајка едно ми чедо” е опеан македонскиот херој Никола Парапунов.
Во песната “Излегол Јане прошетал” се опева преминувањето на Јане Сандански низ Пирин планина.
Македонскиот револуционер Јане Санански познат и како Царот Пирински е опеан и во македонската народна песна “Стар бел дедо” во која се спомнува и планината Пирин.
Дури и во наловот на македонската народна песна “Планино, Пирин Планино” е спомената Пирин Планина.
Во песната "Провикнала се Драганка" самата мома е лоцирана на "врв на Пирин Планина."
Па и денес во Пиринска Македонија (Република Бугарија), Македонците кои со векови живеат таму се обединети во организацијата ОМО Илинден - Пирин.
Останатите македонски народни песни во кои се опева Пирин планина можете да ги видите во документот “Етногеографска Македонија во македонското народно творештво”
Пиринска Македонија во македонското народно творештво
И пиринскиот дел на Македонија исто како и егејскиот и вардарскиот, е врежан засекогаш во македонското народно творештво и во колективната свет на Македонците.
Во македонската народна песна “Имала мајка едно ми чедо” е опеан македонскиот херој Никола Парапунов.
Во песната “Излегол Јане прошетал” се опева преминувањето на Јане Сандански низ Пирин планина.
Македонскиот револуционер Јане Санански познат и како Царот Пирински е опеан и во македонската народна песна “Стар бел дедо” во која се спомнува и планината Пирин.
Дури и во наловот на македонската народна песна “Планино, Пирин Планино” е спомената Пирин Планина.
Во песната "Провикнала се Драганка" самата мома е лоцирана на "врв на Пирин Планина."
И во песната "Убава Калина", се спомнува Пирин Планина.
Во првичното објаснување за грбот на Народна Република Македонија објавено во Нова Македонија во 1962 година, се вели дека планината прикажана на него е токму Пирин планина (заедно со Егејското море)Па и денес во Пиринска Македонија (Република Бугарија), Македонците кои со векови живеат таму се обединети во организацијата ОМО Илинден - Пирин.
Останатите македонски народни песни во кои се опева Пирин планина можете да ги видите во документот “Етногеографска Македонија во македонското народно творештво”
February 11, 2011
Глас - Рајко Жинзифов
ГЛАС
Далеч од баштина, далеч од роднини,
Не в чужда за мене земја,
В полјани кичести, зелени долини,
Самичак в планина шетам ја.
Ја сја расхождам, но на душа ми тешко
И једни мисли мене борат,
И мене стават то студено, то жешко,
И чувства то гаснат, то горат.
Ја искам сенка, ја искам прохлада,
Душевна ја искам тишина,
Че клето ми срце доста вече страда,
И сја нагледа всекаква злина:
Коварство сос бедност, сос гордост лукавство,
Сон мртов, глупава простота,
Љубов на слова, и слога без братство,
И хитрост, л`жлива доброта.
„Безумец, безумец душа ти ленива,-
Ја чух невиден и таен глас -
Спрегни плуг за заборавената нива,
Че блиска ет доба, близок ет час.
Стани, земи остен в р`це, работај
Ти ден и ношт, сос пот,
Истреби трње, исчисти троскот, изорај
Бесплодна нива да дадит плод.
Стани, безумец сос молитва горешта
Ти клетва дај, стори си крст,
Стани ти, иди напред, иди на срешта,
Но бој сја, бој сја, Божји прст“.
- Готов сум, сја к`лнам, да изорам нива.
Кажи кој си ти, невиден глас?
„Чуј! - загрме, глас сја одзива -
Ја сум Божји гнев, народен глас!“
Далеч од баштина, далеч од роднини,
Не в чужда за мене земја,
В полјани кичести, зелени долини,
Самичак в планина шетам ја.
Ја сја расхождам, но на душа ми тешко
И једни мисли мене борат,
И мене стават то студено, то жешко,
И чувства то гаснат, то горат.
Ја искам сенка, ја искам прохлада,
Душевна ја искам тишина,
Че клето ми срце доста вече страда,
И сја нагледа всекаква злина:
Коварство сос бедност, сос гордост лукавство,
Сон мртов, глупава простота,
Љубов на слова, и слога без братство,
И хитрост, л`жлива доброта.
„Безумец, безумец душа ти ленива,-
Ја чух невиден и таен глас -
Спрегни плуг за заборавената нива,
Че блиска ет доба, близок ет час.
Стани, земи остен в р`це, работај
Ти ден и ношт, сос пот,
Истреби трње, исчисти троскот, изорај
Бесплодна нива да дадит плод.
Стани, безумец сос молитва горешта
Ти клетва дај, стори си крст,
Стани ти, иди напред, иди на срешта,
Но бој сја, бој сја, Божји прст“.
- Готов сум, сја к`лнам, да изорам нива.
Кажи кој си ти, невиден глас?
„Чуј! - загрме, глас сја одзива -
Ја сум Божји гнев, народен глас!“
Рајко Жинзифов
February 10, 2011
New Edinburgh Encyclopaedia
The American Edition of the New Edinburgh Encyclopedia, David Brewster, Published in 1831
"...At the intercession of his queen, who was dear to her father, Aladdin was again received into favour, and had his kingdom restored to him. In this expedition war was prosecuted with comparative mildness, both parties being Mahomedans; and a proclamation was issued by Amurath, prohibiting his soldiers, upon pain of death, from using violence towards the peaceable inhabitants, to show to the world that he made war upon his brethren, not for the sake of aggrandizement, but to repel unmerited injury and wrongj and he punished severely some Christian auxiliaries for transgressing his orders. These auxiliaries had been sent by Lazarus, prince of Servia, who, being informed of their treatment, was so offended that he broke off his alliance with the Ottoman, and having formed a confederacy of the neighbouring tribes, appeared at the head of a mighty army, consisting of Bulgarians, Macedonians, Bosnians, Wallachiana, Hungarians, &c. Amurath having collected his tributaries, hastened to meet him on the plains of Cassovau..."
"...At the intercession of his queen, who was dear to her father, Aladdin was again received into favour, and had his kingdom restored to him. In this expedition war was prosecuted with comparative mildness, both parties being Mahomedans; and a proclamation was issued by Amurath, prohibiting his soldiers, upon pain of death, from using violence towards the peaceable inhabitants, to show to the world that he made war upon his brethren, not for the sake of aggrandizement, but to repel unmerited injury and wrongj and he punished severely some Christian auxiliaries for transgressing his orders. These auxiliaries had been sent by Lazarus, prince of Servia, who, being informed of their treatment, was so offended that he broke off his alliance with the Ottoman, and having formed a confederacy of the neighbouring tribes, appeared at the head of a mighty army, consisting of Bulgarians, Macedonians, Bosnians, Wallachiana, Hungarians, &c. Amurath having collected his tributaries, hastened to meet him on the plains of Cassovau..."
February 9, 2011
February 8, 2011
American Bible Society - 1909
Ninety-Third Anual Reportof the
American Bible Society
1909
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February 7, 2011
February 6, 2011
The Magazine of Europe
Evening Post, Volume LXI, Issue 90, 18 April 1901, Page 4
THE MAGAZINE OF EUROPE.
Again there is news of serious unrest in the Balkans. Bulgaria is the scene of the trouble, Macedonia its cause. The Bulgarian Government, under pressure, it is said, from Russia and Turkey, has arrested the leaders of the Central Macedonian Committee, and the Bulgarian people, who sympathise deeply with the Committee, are in a state of serious ferment. A meeting attended by no less than 10,000 persons has, we aro informed this morning, been held at Sofia, the Bulgarian capital, to protest against the arrests, to condemn Russian interference and to ask European protection against Turkish persecution. The movement is not confined to the capital, for similar meetings have also been held in the provincial towns. The Macedonians share to the full the indignation of the Bulgarians, and do not hesitate to accusrf the Bulgarian Government of shameful
treachery. So intense was the excitement that in a cable message received on Monday, the lives of the Bulgarian Ministers were said to have been in danger, while Prince Ferdinand himself had been denounced. These facts point to a situation graver than those temporary crises produced by the periodical waves of unrest which pass over the Balkan States. Behind the excited Bulgarians are sullen Macedonians, eager to throw off the Sultan's rule, and embittered by long years of Turkish oppression. A revolution in Bulgaria, or a rebellion in Macedonia, would probably fire that dangerous riagazine which has long menaced Eastern Europe. The prospect is not made brighter by the rumoured, "unholy alliance" of Russia and Turkey. While there is a Russian party in each of the Balkan States, so there is also an Austrian party or national party, and these patties would become more active than ever if they saw a possible union of Russian and Turkish influences for their suppression.
The internal politics of the Balkan States are too complicated to bo followed with ease or profit, but the chief events leading up to the present crisis and not dificult to trace. Political agitation, oven of the mildest land, is highly imprudent in tho Sultan's dominions. The majority of the Macedonians, and of the people dwelling in tho vilayet of Adrianople the Turkish districts immediately to tho south of Bulgaria have long desired a system of autonomous government. They cannot urge their claims in their own land, except with arms in their hands. Consequently the Macedonian agitation has of lato been conducted by a Central Committee in Sofia. In that committee memorialised the European Powers asking that Macedonia and Adrianople should be granted institutions similar to those set up in Crete. The memorial failed, and then the committee seems to have entered upon a more distinctly revolutionary course. Its violent deds, including even murders perpetrated in Bucharest, brought Bulgaria and Roumania to the verge of war last year. The joint action of Austria and Russia alone prevented strife. The murderers in Roumania were punished, and the Bulgarian Government undertook to proceed against such as were guilty among those residing in Sofia. The sympathy of the people, however, prevented the Government from taking vigorous steps to control the Central Committee. Sundry bands of Bulgarian agitators have been operating across the Turkish frontier and the Turkish Government has retorted by making frequent arrests of Bulgarian subjects. In February a serious encounter took place between Turkish troops and armed Bulgarians near Solonika, and the Sultan soon afterwards ordered a large body of soldiers' to Kostendil, near the Bulgarian frontier. Apparently Russia has lent her support to Turkey, and Prince Ferdinand's. Government has yielded to the joint pressure. Although the Central Macedonian Committee has been guilty of recklessness and even crime, there can lie no doubt about the genuineness of Macedonia's grievances, and unfortunately her only chance of redress seems lio lie in creating such a disturbance in the Balkans that the Powers will be forced to connsider her case.
THE MAGAZINE OF EUROPE.
Again there is news of serious unrest in the Balkans. Bulgaria is the scene of the trouble, Macedonia its cause. The Bulgarian Government, under pressure, it is said, from Russia and Turkey, has arrested the leaders of the Central Macedonian Committee, and the Bulgarian people, who sympathise deeply with the Committee, are in a state of serious ferment. A meeting attended by no less than 10,000 persons has, we aro informed this morning, been held at Sofia, the Bulgarian capital, to protest against the arrests, to condemn Russian interference and to ask European protection against Turkish persecution. The movement is not confined to the capital, for similar meetings have also been held in the provincial towns. The Macedonians share to the full the indignation of the Bulgarians, and do not hesitate to accusrf the Bulgarian Government of shameful
treachery. So intense was the excitement that in a cable message received on Monday, the lives of the Bulgarian Ministers were said to have been in danger, while Prince Ferdinand himself had been denounced. These facts point to a situation graver than those temporary crises produced by the periodical waves of unrest which pass over the Balkan States. Behind the excited Bulgarians are sullen Macedonians, eager to throw off the Sultan's rule, and embittered by long years of Turkish oppression. A revolution in Bulgaria, or a rebellion in Macedonia, would probably fire that dangerous riagazine which has long menaced Eastern Europe. The prospect is not made brighter by the rumoured, "unholy alliance" of Russia and Turkey. While there is a Russian party in each of the Balkan States, so there is also an Austrian party or national party, and these patties would become more active than ever if they saw a possible union of Russian and Turkish influences for their suppression.The internal politics of the Balkan States are too complicated to bo followed with ease or profit, but the chief events leading up to the present crisis and not dificult to trace. Political agitation, oven of the mildest land, is highly imprudent in tho Sultan's dominions. The majority of the Macedonians, and of the people dwelling in tho vilayet of Adrianople the Turkish districts immediately to tho south of Bulgaria have long desired a system of autonomous government. They cannot urge their claims in their own land, except with arms in their hands. Consequently the Macedonian agitation has of lato been conducted by a Central Committee in Sofia. In that committee memorialised the European Powers asking that Macedonia and Adrianople should be granted institutions similar to those set up in Crete. The memorial failed, and then the committee seems to have entered upon a more distinctly revolutionary course. Its violent deds, including even murders perpetrated in Bucharest, brought Bulgaria and Roumania to the verge of war last year. The joint action of Austria and Russia alone prevented strife. The murderers in Roumania were punished, and the Bulgarian Government undertook to proceed against such as were guilty among those residing in Sofia. The sympathy of the people, however, prevented the Government from taking vigorous steps to control the Central Committee. Sundry bands of Bulgarian agitators have been operating across the Turkish frontier and the Turkish Government has retorted by making frequent arrests of Bulgarian subjects. In February a serious encounter took place between Turkish troops and armed Bulgarians near Solonika, and the Sultan soon afterwards ordered a large body of soldiers' to Kostendil, near the Bulgarian frontier. Apparently Russia has lent her support to Turkey, and Prince Ferdinand's. Government has yielded to the joint pressure. Although the Central Macedonian Committee has been guilty of recklessness and even crime, there can lie no doubt about the genuineness of Macedonia's grievances, and unfortunately her only chance of redress seems lio lie in creating such a disturbance in the Balkans that the Powers will be forced to connsider her case.
February 5, 2011
Политички затвореник за Македонија
Politicki Zatvorenik Za Makedonija-ilija Maksimovski
Илија Максимовски - Политички затвореник за Македонија
Илија Максимовски - Политички затвореник за Македонија
February 4, 2011
Trouble in the Balkans
Colonist, Volume XLVI, Issue 10802, 21 August 1903, Page 3 - 11
Trouble in the Balkans
CONSTANTINOPLE, August 19.
The Turkish troops who recently occupied Krushevo masssacred all the Christians in the town, including the employees of the Tobacco Company, which is under European control. It is reported that Michailovsky, the Bulgarian leader, was killed at Krushevo, and that Sarafoff, the Macedonian leader, is surrounded at Prass, south of Monastir. Twenty-four battalions of redifs in Anatolia hare been summoned.
ROME, August 19. An Italian squadron has been ordered to be held in readiness to proceed to Turkish waters.
VIENNA, August 19. The newspaper "Neue Freie Presse" scolds Russia for sending a squadron to Turkish waters, and adds that Count Lamsdorff's new path is not calculated to suppress a rising or preserve European peace. Received Aug. 20, 10.86 p.m.
Constantinople, August 20. The telegraph line has been cut between Adrianople and Constantinople. A bomb was. thrown into a merchant's shop at Philippolis, killing three persons. There are many signs of insubordination amongst the Turkish troops. Eight Macedonian workmen were proceeding to repair the railway at Zeleniktt, when soldiers shot three dead, and pursued the rest to the station, and killed them in cold blood, notwithstanding the station- master's declaration that they were , his employees.
ROME, August 20. The Italian Government has decided to act in common accord with the other Powers to send'a squadron to Turkish waters if others do so. Received Aug. 20, 11.12 p.m.
SOFIA, August 20. Bulgaria has ordered fifteen million cartridges from Vienna, stipulating prompt delivery. Bulgarian official despatches state that a fear is prevalent at Salonika of a general massacre. The Consuls are afraid to leave their residences, and have asked for the despatch of warships for their protection. Two hundred women from the vilage of Bakovo, who are not spiritually subject to the Exarch but to the Greek Patriarch, arrived at Monastir, and petitioned for the protection of Russia and Austria. Hilmi Pasha declares that Bakovo burned all massacred revolutionists at Krushevo, and that in the fight he lost 60 killed and 120 wounded, and then left. The Turkish casualties totalled 250. Seventy insurgents near Kogie, in the Uskub district, fought the Turks for a whole day, but the Bashi Bazouks next day entered the village, and slaughtered all the men and women. Received Aug. 20, 1L17 p.m.
ST. PETERSBURG, August 20. The newspaper "Vodomoste" states that the Emperor of Austria and King Charles of Roumania conferred at Ischul, and agreed that in the event of war between Turkey and Bulgaria that King Charles should occupy Rustchuk, Varna, the Silis- fcria triangle, and maintain the balance of power, because otherwise, if Macedonia was made autonomous, Bulgaria's influence would be too preponderating. The "Vodomosti" adds that Russia does not trust King Ferdinand of Bulgaria, who is absent at a critical moment, as he has German sympathies with the Slavs.
Trouble in the Balkans
CONSTANTINOPLE, August 19.
The Turkish troops who recently occupied Krushevo masssacred all the Christians in the town, including the employees of the Tobacco Company, which is under European control. It is reported that Michailovsky, the Bulgarian leader, was killed at Krushevo, and that Sarafoff, the Macedonian leader, is surrounded at Prass, south of Monastir. Twenty-four battalions of redifs in Anatolia hare been summoned.
ROME, August 19. An Italian squadron has been ordered to be held in readiness to proceed to Turkish waters.VIENNA, August 19. The newspaper "Neue Freie Presse" scolds Russia for sending a squadron to Turkish waters, and adds that Count Lamsdorff's new path is not calculated to suppress a rising or preserve European peace. Received Aug. 20, 10.86 p.m.
Constantinople, August 20. The telegraph line has been cut between Adrianople and Constantinople. A bomb was. thrown into a merchant's shop at Philippolis, killing three persons. There are many signs of insubordination amongst the Turkish troops. Eight Macedonian workmen were proceeding to repair the railway at Zeleniktt, when soldiers shot three dead, and pursued the rest to the station, and killed them in cold blood, notwithstanding the station- master's declaration that they were , his employees.
ROME, August 20. The Italian Government has decided to act in common accord with the other Powers to send'a squadron to Turkish waters if others do so. Received Aug. 20, 11.12 p.m.
SOFIA, August 20. Bulgaria has ordered fifteen million cartridges from Vienna, stipulating prompt delivery. Bulgarian official despatches state that a fear is prevalent at Salonika of a general massacre. The Consuls are afraid to leave their residences, and have asked for the despatch of warships for their protection. Two hundred women from the vilage of Bakovo, who are not spiritually subject to the Exarch but to the Greek Patriarch, arrived at Monastir, and petitioned for the protection of Russia and Austria. Hilmi Pasha declares that Bakovo burned all massacred revolutionists at Krushevo, and that in the fight he lost 60 killed and 120 wounded, and then left. The Turkish casualties totalled 250. Seventy insurgents near Kogie, in the Uskub district, fought the Turks for a whole day, but the Bashi Bazouks next day entered the village, and slaughtered all the men and women. Received Aug. 20, 1L17 p.m.
ST. PETERSBURG, August 20. The newspaper "Vodomoste" states that the Emperor of Austria and King Charles of Roumania conferred at Ischul, and agreed that in the event of war between Turkey and Bulgaria that King Charles should occupy Rustchuk, Varna, the Silis- fcria triangle, and maintain the balance of power, because otherwise, if Macedonia was made autonomous, Bulgaria's influence would be too preponderating. The "Vodomosti" adds that Russia does not trust King Ferdinand of Bulgaria, who is absent at a critical moment, as he has German sympathies with the Slavs.
February 3, 2011
Macedonia in NATO and EU
Банери за подршка на членството на Република Македонија во НАТО и Европската Унија.
Macedonia in NATO - say yes!
Македонија во НАТО - кажи да!
Say yes for Macedonia in EU
Кажи да за Македонија во ЕУ
Say Macedonia! Say it loud! Речи Македонија!Речи гласно!
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Macedonia in NATO - say yes!Македонија во НАТО - кажи да!
Say yes for Macedonia in EU
Кажи да за Македонија во ЕУ
Say Macedonia! Say it loud! Речи Македонија!Речи гласно!
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February 2, 2011
De l'Arménie et de la Macédoine
Allocution prononcée à la réunion organisée en faveur de l'Arménie et de la Macédoine
Anatolle France, Allocution prononcée à la réunion organisée en faveur de l'Arménie et de la Macédoine, le 18 mars 1903
Anatolle France, Allocution prononcée à la réunion organisée en faveur de l'Arménie et de la Macédoine, le 18 mars 1903
February 1, 2011
Eumenes of Cardia
Исечок од една научна статија напишана од професорот Јуџин Борза во 1987 година. Преводот на МАКЕДОНСКИ е од десната страна.
Ете како еден грк кој им служел и на Филип и на Александар сепак не смеел ни да помисли дека му следува нешто во Кралството на МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ.
Eumenes of Cardia was Alexander's secretary and one of the few Greeks on the king's staff. Following Alexander's death Eumenes emerged as one of the contending Successors, but not for the sake of the throne; our sources make clear, that, as an ethnic Greek, he had no claim to power in a struggle among Macedonians.18 Eumenes, who had served both Philip and Alexander, remained an Argead loyalist, and, during the confusion of Alexander's succession, pledged his services to the surviving members of the royal family.19 In an attempt to
18. The ethnic prejudice against Eumenes is manifest; e.g., Plut. Eum. 3.1; 8.1; 18.1; Diod 18.60.1-3,62.7 and 19.13.1-2.
19. E.g., Plut. Eum. 13.1; Diod. 18.58.4.
"Еуменес од Кардиа беше секретар на Александар и еден од ретките Грци помеѓу блиските офицери на кралот. По смртта на Александар Еуменес се појави како еден од можните наследници, ама не за тронот; нашите извори се јасни дека, како етнички Грк, тој не можеше да има побарувања за врвот на моќта во борбата помеѓу МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ.(18) Еуменес, кој им служеше подеднакво на Филип и Александар остана верен кон Аргеадите, и во збрката околу наследникот на Александар, тој им служеше на преживеаните членови на кралското семејство.(19)..."
18. Етничката предрасуда против Еуменес е јасно изразена, на пример кај Plut. Eum. 3.1; 8.1; Diod 18.60.1-3, 62.7 и 19.13.1-2.
19. Ha пример, Plut Eum. 13.1; Diod. 18.58.4.
Borza, Eugene N. "The Royal Macedonian Tombs and the Paraphernalia of Alexander the Great" Phoenix, Vol. 41, No. 2 (Summer, 1987), p. 110.
Подготвено од Sveti Pavle
Ете како еден грк кој им служел и на Филип и на Александар сепак не смеел ни да помисли дека му следува нешто во Кралството на МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ.
Eumenes of Cardia was Alexander's secretary and one of the few Greeks on the king's staff. Following Alexander's death Eumenes emerged as one of the contending Successors, but not for the sake of the throne; our sources make clear, that, as an ethnic Greek, he had no claim to power in a struggle among Macedonians.18 Eumenes, who had served both Philip and Alexander, remained an Argead loyalist, and, during the confusion of Alexander's succession, pledged his services to the surviving members of the royal family.19 In an attempt to
18. The ethnic prejudice against Eumenes is manifest; e.g., Plut. Eum. 3.1; 8.1; 18.1; Diod 18.60.1-3,62.7 and 19.13.1-2.
19. E.g., Plut. Eum. 13.1; Diod. 18.58.4.
"Еуменес од Кардиа беше секретар на Александар и еден од ретките Грци помеѓу блиските офицери на кралот. По смртта на Александар Еуменес се појави како еден од можните наследници, ама не за тронот; нашите извори се јасни дека, како етнички Грк, тој не можеше да има побарувања за врвот на моќта во борбата помеѓу МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ.(18) Еуменес, кој им служеше подеднакво на Филип и Александар остана верен кон Аргеадите, и во збрката околу наследникот на Александар, тој им служеше на преживеаните членови на кралското семејство.(19)..."
18. Етничката предрасуда против Еуменес е јасно изразена, на пример кај Plut. Eum. 3.1; 8.1; Diod 18.60.1-3, 62.7 и 19.13.1-2.
19. Ha пример, Plut Eum. 13.1; Diod. 18.58.4.
Borza, Eugene N. "The Royal Macedonian Tombs and the Paraphernalia of Alexander the Great" Phoenix, Vol. 41, No. 2 (Summer, 1987), p. 110.
Подготвено од Sveti Pavle
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