Греческая политика к Mакедонии, 2

Греческая политика к Mакедонии во второй половине XIX-го и в начале XX-го века [Македонска библиотека] Ристо Поплазаров

The Greek policy towards Macedonia during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century 2, Risto Poplazarov

Не смотря на этот неуспех, „Этери“, в сотрудничес­тве с королевским дворцом и армией, весной 1897-го года, выбросила в югозападную Македонию (Гребенский, Кожанский края) и в Серский край новые „четникские“ отряды- „андаров“, с конкретной задачей привлечь на себя вни­мание Турков и этим помочь вредрению греческой армии в турецкую территорию. После несколько первоначальных акций отрядов, турецкие войска быстро ликвидировали и эту „андарскую“ акцию и нанесли катастрофическое по­ражение греческой армии, так что Греция капитулировала. Поражение Греции в этой войне и ее экономическое изне­можение вызвало перелом в ее политики к Турции и спе­циально к Македонии. С тех пор Греция отказалась от идеи самой вести войну против Турции и подружилась с ней, как никогда перед тем. Одним из главных результатов гре­ческо-турецкой дружбы являлось (устное) соглашение о со­вместной борьбе против македонского национально-освобо­дительного движения, которое боролось за освобождение всех порабощенных масс. В рамках этого соглашения, Па­триархия и другие органы великогреческой пропаганды в Македонии приобрели новые привилегии и действовали не­законно, под покровительством или толерантностью турец­кой власти. По государственной линии, на высоком уро­вне, это выразилось в деятельности греческих консульств в Солониках, Битоле, Скопье, Сересе, Кавале и Элассоне (в северной Тессалии). Они превратились в какие-то военно­пропагандные штабы, из которых несколько десяток греческих офицеров, после 1903-го года, руководили акциями греческих „андарских“ отрядов и вообще великогреческой пропагандой. Приблизительно такую же роль сыграли и греческие митрополии, между которыми особенно выдви­гались: Костурская, Драмская, Битольская, Боденская, Гребенская и другие. Греческие учители работали и как „четникские“ инструкторы. Таким образом, с помощью или толерантностью турецких властей, дипломатические, церковные, школьские и опщинные греческие институции пре­творились в военно-пропагандные центры борьбы для за­душения освободительной революционной борьбы македонского народа. Еще от 1901-го года, некоторые митропо­литы, консульские чиновники и другие, организовали „андарские“ отряды, которые вели вооруженную борьбу про­тив македонских революционеров, принуждали патриар- [< стр. 280] хистов (и Греков из пограничных областей) отказаться от революционной деятельности; именно они и греческие власти (с 1902-го года (бойкотировали куплю оружия в Греции для македонских революционеров, преследовали революционерных деятелей, которые работали в Греции, или которые проезжали через нее и тому подобное. В то же время, секретарь греческого консульства в Битоле, Ион Драгумисс, работал над созданием одной греческой организации „с целью заменить“ внутреннюю македонскую организацию, для борьбы против революционного движения.

В июне 1903-го года, из Афин послали первый греческий отряд, который в течение Илинденского восстания, вместе с „андарским“ отрядом Вангела из края Сребрено, воевал против повстанцев. В течение Илинденского восстания, и после него, Патриархия и ее митрополии, как и другие великогреческие органы в Македонии, а также и официальная Греция, открыто оказывали услуги турецким по-работителям, а греческая дипломатия сопротивлялась каждому предложению внутренней македонской организации о каком бы то ни было административном (на пример — автономном) отделении Македонии. Органы великогреческой пропаганды в Македонии использовали создавшееся положение, чтобы нанести чем более чувствительный удар революционному движению и укрепить, и расширить свои собственные позиции. Для этой цели они употребляли разные средства и методы: убийства, предательства, взяточничество, потчинение крестьян Патриархии и пр. Эту деятельность (и ту, перед Илинденским восстанием) использовали такназываемые „верховисты“, и другие органы великоболгарской пропаганды, для антигреческих выпадов. Великогреческая пропаганда использовала эти выпады и великодержавное отношение болгарских правящих кругов к македонскому национально-освободительному движению, чтобы оправдать великогреческую интервенцию „четников“ в Македонии, после Илинденского восстания.

Еще с конца 1903-го года начались подготовления ор- ганизования великогреческой вооруженной пропаганды в Македонии. Имея в виду эту цель, Македонию посетила одна офицерская миссия Павлоса Меласса, который в югозападной Македонии попытался организовать движение „четников“ из местных жителей, прежде всего Греков в пограничных краях, но в этом не успел. В Афинах сформировали „Македонский комитет“ под председательством Д. Калапатакисса, который руководил „четниками-андарами“ из Битольского вилаета. В то же время началось отправле- [< стр. 281]  ние десятков греческих офицеров, которые, под руководством новоназначенного генерального консуля в Салониках, Ламороса Каромиласса, занялись организацией и руководством греческого андарского движения „четников“. Оно в начале имело две позиции: одни считали, что „четников“ нужно организовать из рядов местных жителей, а другие считали, что это нужно организовать со стороны греческого государства. Акции И. Драгумисса, Каравангелисса, П. Меласса и других, показали, что со стороны местных жителей нельзя надеятся чему либо более значительному. Поэтому, организацией „четников“ вполне занялось греческое государство. Оно ангажировало и сделало пригодным и большую часть пограничных станций, взяло на свой счет центры для формирования и подготовления „андарских“ отрядов, дало офицеров и много солдат — „добровольцев“, множество оружия и средств, большую сумму денег и все, что требовалось для проведения греческой вооруженной интервенции в Македонии. Для осуществления движения „четников“ — „андаров“ в Македонии, тратилось более двух милионов драхм ежегодно, непосредственно или посредственно, главным образом из государственного бюджета. И это доказывает, что „андарское“ движение является одним видом необъявленной партизанской войны греческого государства, направленной, прежде всего, против македонского народа и его национально-освободительного движения.

Греческая политика к Mакедонии, 1

Греческая политика к Mакедонии во второй половине XIX-го и в начале XX-го века [Македонска библиотека] Ристо Поплазаров

The Greek policy towards Macedonia during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century 1, Risto Poplazarov

(Вооруженные, пропагандные, дипломатические и другие антимакедонские акции и борьба против них на местности)

В течение создания греческой буржуазии, в которую входила и большая часть „переродившихся“ фанариотов и феодальных элементов, в содействии с высшей церковной иерархией Патриархии, сформировалась „мэгали идеа“ (великая идея) с захватческой целью к Македонии и к другим негреческим странам. Осуществление „мэгали“ идеи в Македонии означало засиление денационализационной и ассимиляционной великогреческой легальной и вооруженной пропаганды. Крайней целью всего этого являлось подготовление почвы для присоединения к королевству Греции чем большей части Македонии. В эту многостороннюю деятельность постепенно включалось и греческое государство, что становилось более заметным в дальнейших событиях после Крымской войны.

В рамках этого государственного ангажемента, X. Трикуписс выработал (в 1866-ом году) такназываемую „минимальнюю“ программу, а „Объединение для расширения греческой письмености“, позади которой находились самые экстремные великогреческие круги, выработало „максимальную программу“ великогреческих территориальных аспираций к Македонии и к другим странам. Обе эти программы представляли пан-эллинскую политику „мэгали“ идеи. Трикуписсовая программа, к которой присоединилось болыпенство греческих правительств, требовала для Греции македонские края южнее линии, которая начиналась горой Родопи и рекой Места, проходила линию Неврокоп — Струмица — Демир-Хисар — Прилеп — Крушево — Охрид, и кончалась на Адриатическом Море. На основании [< стр. 277] этой программы, греческие правительства вели многочисленные тайные дипломатические переговоры о разделении Македонии на влиятельные сферы и от других целях, не пренебрегали ни греческие позиции севернее вышеупомянутой линии. Такие переговоры велись, на пример, в 1867-ом году с Сербией и в 1870-ом году между Патриархией и болгарскими церковными деятелями.

В течение нового появления восточного кризиса, от 1875-го до 1878-го годов и после эго, великогреческая полика к Македонии вступила в новую империалистическую фазу. Она характеризовалась многочисленными акциями и демонстрациями на военном, дипломатическом, пропагандном и „научном“ поле. Не смотря на безуспешные вооруженные попытки со времени Крымской войны, в январе 1878-го года, греческие правящие круги организовали такназываемое „восстание“ на Олимпе и до 1883-го года провели ряд акций такназьваемых „четников“ и в Серской, Костурской, Леринской, Битольской, Салоникийской и в других областях, имея в виду следующую цель: помочь внедрению греческой армии в Тессалию (январь—февраль 1878-го года); „поднять греческий дух“ „греков“ в Македонии; „доказать“ миру, что это „греческая земля“; террором и вооруженной пропагандой запугать население, чтобы оно осталось „верное“ Патриархии и греческой национальной „судьбе“; совершить давление на переговоры, которые велись между Грецией и Турцией, и между Грецией и великими силами, с целью, чтобы Греции отдать чем больше территориальных и других завоеваний; и вообще, чтобы закрепить и расширить позиции великогреческой пропаганды в Македонии.

В последующих приблизительно двадцать лет (после 1878-го года), великогреческая пропаганда в Македонии, получая вдвойне и втрое больше материальных средств (главным образом денег) и кадров от греческого королевства и от греческих капиталистов (торговцов, банкиров) в иностранстве, чтобы успела, на пример, увеличить численность пропагандных объединений в два раза, училищ — на более три раза, учеников — на около пять раз. Она же получала в квалитете, хотя в квантитете, точнее: в объемности, — теряла, потому что все большее число македонских сел отказывалось от Патриархии. Параллельно с этим, усиливалась и великогреческая „научная“ пропаганда. Публиковались многочисленные книги, брошюры и журналы на греческом и на иностранных языках, с целью „доказать“, что в Македонии „все и вся — греческое“. [< стр. 278]

И кроме широкой деятельности в Македонии (1877— 1883), греческое государство не поставило свои аспирации к Македонии на Берлинском конгрессе. Сразу после него, Греция продолжила работу еще силнее, с целью ее осуществления. В 1882—1883 годах, в течение греческо-болгарских переговоров, было постигнуто принципиальное согласие, „уступить всю южную Македонию греческому влиянию ..., а в северной Македонии ... признать Болгарии исключительное право на влияние и проведение пропаганды“. Позднее велись и подобные греческо-сербские переговоры, которые окончились тем, что греческое правительство „отказалось“ от северной, а сербское от юговосточной Македонии.

В дальнейшем периоде до конца XIX века, кроме интенсивной дипломатической деятельности и всесторонней усиленной „легальной“ пропаганды, великогреческие круги, в 1885-ом году попытались организовать в Македонии новые вооруженные акции, а в 1896-ом году послали несколько такназываемых „андарских“ отрядов (членов вооруженной греческой „четникской“ пропанады) в Кожанский, Берский, Негушский, Серский и в другие края, с целью поднять „восстание“, точнее — с пропагандными и захватчисткими целями, — такими же, которых имели и предыдущие подобрные акции. Кроме всего этого, это имело и одну специфическую цель, которая явилась главной. Из прежних исследований видно, что это было прелюдией в наступаюшую греческо-турецкую войну в 1897-ом году, которую вдохновили Германия и Австрия, путем исчерпывания Греции и Турции, или каким ни будь иным способом, обе или одну из них, склонить на сторону центральных сил. Почву для этого подготвило „Этники Этерия“ („Национальное объединение“), которым руководили греческие офицеры. В рамках „мэгали“ идеи, „Этерия“, которой закулисно руководил королевский дворец, со знанием правительства, создала большой воинственный психоз, при чем выдвигалось положение, что в Македонии поднимится „всеобщее восстание“. Некоторые из оппозиции, на страницах журнала „Нэа имера“ начали сопротивляться этой агитации, потому что считали, что Греки не восстанут. „Все вперед энают, — подчеркивала оппозиция, — славянское население не будет помогать борьбе, которая руководится целью навязать греческую идею, а кроме того мы не имеем права ожидать помощь Славян, когда продолжаем считать, что целая Македония... исключительно греческая“. Не смотря на эти и на другие трезвенные сопротив- [< стр. 279] ления оппозиции, подготовленные „четникские“ акции в 1896-ом году уже содержались, но без успеха, хотя их называли „восстанием“.

The Greek policy towards Macedonia, 19th and 20th century, part 4

The Greek policy towards Macedonia during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Risto Poplazarov [Македонска библиотека]

Грчката политика спрема Македонија... Ристо Поплазаров

The struggle undertaken by the Sandanists and other forces of the Macedonian revolutionary organisations especially by the peasant police, the regional and the provincial bands was a very sound reason which did not allow the andarism and the other armed propagandas spread over bigger territory. It helped the Macedonian people stick together. During the Greek and other četnik interventions the Macedonian people and the organisational forces had many victims as well as material losses because they fought on many fronts. More than 5 Kostur voivodas died in the struggle with the Turkish army within 10 months from 1906 to 1907. The voivodas were the pole of the revolutionary struggle against the andarism in Bitola vilaet. It is said that 5000 to 7000 people were killed during the četnik and other armed actions and that 2500 were victims caused by the Greek andarism. Hundreds of houses were burnt and many estates plundered. The Greater Greek terror was also felt in many towns. The special organisations undertook many terroristic actions and so called "the economic boycott" was introduced which affected badly the poorest masses. The same boycott was introduced in the villages [< page 296] too. All this together with many andar actions influenced badly the Macedonian economy and the situation worsened a great deal.

Thereafter the declaration of the Young Turk revolution the Greater Greek propaganda stopped but for a short time. The constitutional regime of the Young Turks showed that the armed propaganda succeeded with many efforts, means and forces of the Greek government and that was insecure and lasted shortly. The same was regarded by the Greek leading factors-the Greek consulates, the Patriarchate and some of the leaders too. As a result of that they made a plan for reintroducing the andarism in Macedonia, with the knowledge and help of the Greek government, in order to keep the population subjected to the Patriarchate and the Greek kausa (Greek Policy) and with terror to reject "the disobedients". Parallel new ideas appeared for colonisation Macedonia with Greek, peasant and other population as one of the means for hellenising the Macedonians. In the years till the First Balkan War the andarism was becoming stronger and stronger and it prepared a terrain for engaging the population into actions for a Balkan federation and paid special attention to the Greek-Bulgarian closeness and alliance for the struggle for separation of Macedonia.

Thereafter the first years of the Young Turk revolution the andar bands were formed of 2 to 4 local residents. From 1910 Greece started sending more bands in Macedonia. They were active on the same territory where the andar bands till 1908. The Greater Greek armed propaganda in comparison with the andarism during the Young Turk period till the declaration of the First Balkan War, had mainly a defensive character and was gradually united with the bands sent by the Bulgarian or the Serbian government. Immediately before the First Balkan War the andarism was completely under the control of the Greek Main Headquarters and worked according the needs of the struggle. In that time there were some ideas and actions too which wanted to raise the Macedonian population on "a rising" helped bv the andar bands but that did not give any result. Most of the andar bands were active in south Macedonia i.e. in the boundary regions. The results from the andarism during the Youg Turk revolution were very bad. The armed propaganda showed openly that it did not fulfill the aims. That was the basic reason for Greece to start a war.

During the Young Turk revolution the Greater Greek policy towards Macedonia was manifested through the Greek- [< page 297] Bulgarian agreement against the Macedonian unity. Parallel with the Greek-Bulgarian governmental alliance it came to a unity of their legal propagandas towards Macedonia led by the Patriarchate and the Exarchate. That was mostly expressed during the Parliament election campaign conducted in Turkey in 1912. In fact it had an aim to prapare the people psychologically for the Greek-Bulgarian alliance and the struggle for annexing Macedonia. In that way the Patriarchate and the Exarchate perfected their activity against the Macedonian people. The Macedonian people stood openly against that. The Macedonian revolucionema levica (the Macedonian Revolutionary Left) led the resistance together with other political groups. They showed the people, through political agitation, the forthcoming danger for whole Macedonia, resisted the andar-Vrhovist četnik actions and undertook defensive measures.

The Balkan monarchies used their četnik bands against the Macedonian resistance. The Greek and the Bulgarian leading circles made an agreement for mutual tolerance and help in the Macedonian territory. As a result of that they undertook many combined terroristic actions against the Macedonian revolutionary Left and the people. The andar-vrhovist unity as well as the unity between the Patriarchate and the Exarchate represented an integral part of the Greek-Bulgarian governmental alliance formed especially to annex Macedonia. The two countries thought that with the help of their armies (Bulgaria with 300.000 soldiers and Greece with 120.000) would rule bigger part of Macedonia. Bulgaria first and then Serbia too, with the war against Turkey, enabled Greece take bigger part of Macedonia without special means and victims which on the other hand was impossible for Greece to do alone.

Translated from the Macedonian by:

Nada Saratinovska [< page 298]

The Greek policy towards Macedonia, 19th and 20th century, part 3

The Greek policy towards Macedonia during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Risto Poplazarov [Македонска библиотека]

Грчката политика спрема Македонија... Ристо Поплазаров

 

The complete engagement of the Greek government in the the whole business of the andarism was the main reason to enable the organisation and the realisation. The Greek-Turkish co-operation (towards Macedonia) was the second reason for the very successful course of the andarism. The Greek-Turkish co-operation against the Macedonian people’s liberation movement was expressed through the following things: the Turkish authority allowed the Greek consulates be changed into andar military Headquarters and acted like them; the Greek bands were able to cross the frontier without any problem and could work freely. The Greek cetnik bands had ano- [< page 293] ther previlege. Their activity (their villainy) was not treated as a political crime by the Turkish criminal law and the andars were not also treated by special military courts and no one was sentenced to death. The andarism had supporters among the Turkish beys who were allies against the social revolution. The general govemer in Macedonia, the Turkish Hilmi pasha, was the strongest supporter of the Greek policy and together with other governmental officals helped the andarism. That was admitted by Greek andar leaders and historians.

 

The Greek-Turkish co-operation resulted from the mutual interest and the aims of the two partners. They aimed to liauidate the Macedonian people’s liberation movement, and wanted, through a revolution many basic social, political as well as governmental problems to be solved.

The previous andar actions, the war from 1897 and other events showed that Greece was not powerful enough to conquer Macedonia or a part of it. The Greek politicians were sure that the Turkish domination in Macedonia did not only trouble them but much more they felt thev needed the Turkish co-operation. The Turkish politicians knew that one of the main aims of the andarism was to prepare a suitable area for annexing as big part of Macedonia as the Greeks could, but the Turkish thought it was less evil than the one which was the result of the Greek co-operation with the other Balkan countries against Turkey. Therefore Turkey, with German help, kept Greece on its side and helped or tolerate the andarism.

From the above mentioned we could see the motives for the Greater Greek andar intervention in Macedonia and its main aims. The Greek and other Balkan rulers saw the significance the Macedonian masses gave the Ilinden rising (the declaration of the Kruševo Republik. the socialist characteristics. the people sticking together, the free minded ideas ...) as also some of the conseouences from it (the reforms for separation Macedonia) could destroy the results of the Greek and other governmental propagandas and unabled the Balkan monarchies rule Macedonia. The Greater Bulgarian interfering into Macedonia also influenced the organisation of the andarism. The Bulgarians declared it as "the Bulgarian act". A bier influence in the realisation of the armed propagandas had the formation of the administrative totalities regarding the "the ethnic principle". One of the main aims of the andarism. resulted from such an opinion was the formation of the "Greek ethnic totalities" which would be gained by sub- [< page 294] jecting the population to the Patriarchate or the Greek influence in general. Regarding this and the main aim i.e. to provide good conditions for annexing as big part of Macedonia as possible the Greek rulers forced their bands undertake everyday fights in order to lessen the revolutionary forces of the Macedonian people, formed local and andar centres (organisations) and subjected the population to their rule with weapons and corruption. On the other hand the andarism and the other četnik intervention showed that the Balkan monarchies lost confidence in the suitableness and the efficiency of their "legal" propagandas. They considered the andarism more efficent means for the realisation of their greater aspirations. And when they did not succeed in that they declared a war as the most efficent means.

The andar bands were active in two thirds of the territory of Macedonia. The north boundary of this territory, with small exceptions, was almost the same with the line fixed with "the minimum programme" of the Greater Greek apetities in Macedonia. The andar bands were active in two main zones in the Bitola vilayet: Kostur-Lerin and Prespa. The bands imposed the biggest terror on the regions Kostenarija and Korešta while in the Bitola-Mariovo-Prilep zone it was mostly felt on the region of Buf-kol, the villages around Gradištica and many others in Mariovo and Prilep. In Kostursko-Lerin zone about 40 andar bands were active from 1904 to 1908 from which more than 15 were formed in 1905 and then they did the cruelest mass murder. The Greek četnik bands undertook the greatest number of the terroristic actions in Kostanarija, Mariovo and other regions. More than 30 bands were active in Bitolsko-Mariovsko-Prilepsko zone where the villages Živovo, Iveni and others were mostly plundered. The andar bands attacked Smilevo too and made attempts for spreading their influence in Ohrid region as well. The following Macedonian revolurionary voivodas were most outstanding in the struggle against the andarism: P. Kljašev, M. Vlaat, K. Blacki, A. Kršanov, K. Dobrolicki, N. Popov, G. Sugarev, K. Germov, Sole Stojčev, K. Ljondev, A. Turundzev and others.

 

The andar bands were active in 6 zones in the Salonika vilayet: in Bersko-Negusko-Vodensko (where there were more than 10 andar bands). Regarding the Salonika vilayet the Macedonian revolutionaries had the most intensified struggle in the Enidzevardarsko-Pejak-Gumendze zone and especially at the Enidzevardarsko Lake (now dried up). The revolutionary band led by Apostol Petkov Terziev, Karatošo and others were mostly distinquished in the struggle against more than 20 [< page 295]  andar bands. About 10 andar bands were active on the territory of Strumicko-Gevgelisko-Dojransko zone but without special result because there the Greater Bulgarian and the Greater Serbian propagandas were mostly felt. The andarism was not so strong in the Salonika-Kukuško-Lagadinsko zone. The Greater Greek propaganda formed two zones in the Ser sanjak. Sersko-Demirhisarsko zone was the second province where 15 bands were active. These bands were formed mainly from the local residents (četnik and voivodas) and they compelled the population stay "loyal" to the Patriarchate. The andarism was spread over Nevrokopsko and Melnicko from here. In the fartherst part Dramsko-Kavalsko zone the Greater Greek propaganda formed so called "peasant quards" with the help of terrorists and corruption. One of the characteristics of the andarism in Ser sanjak and in Enidzevardarsko... was the fact that it was helped and tolerated by the local Turkish authority and the beys. The andarism was led by the Greek consulate in Ser sanjak (in Seres) in Kavala it was led by the subconsulate; while in Drama by the metropolitan bishop. The andars did the biggest massacre in Macedonia in Dolno Karadzovo, Sersko in 1906. The struggle of the progressive Macedonian revolutionaries, called Sandanists, was the most distinquished against the Greek armed intervention in Ser sanjak.

The Greek policy towards Macedonia, 19th and 20th century, part 2

The Greek policy towards Macedonia during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Risto Poplazarov [Македонска библиотека]

Грчката политика спрема Македонија... Ристо Поплазаров

Inspite this failure Eteria (The National Society), in cooperation with the court and army, sent new andar bands in south-eastern Macedonia (Grebensko, Košansko) and Sersko in 1897 with a concrete aim to attract the Turkish attention so it would help the penetration of the Greek army in Turkey. At the beginning the četnik bands had some successful actions but soon the Turkish army destroyed them causing catastrophy for the Greek army and Greece surrended. The failure caused break into the Greek policy towards Turkey and Macedonia. Thereafter Greece gave up the idea to continue the struggle against Turkey alone and made friends with it. One of the main results of the Greek-Turkish alliance was the oral agreement for a united struggle against Macedonian people’s liberation movement, which on the other hand fought for libara- [< page 291] tion of all the enslaved masses. As the result of the agreement, the Patriarchate and the other organs of the Greater Greek propaganda in Macedonia gained new privileges and worked illegally under the tolerance of the Turkish ruling elements. This was highly expressed in the activity of the Greek consulates in Salonika, Bitola, Skopje, Seres, Kavala and Elasona (north Tesalija). The consulates were changed in a sort of military-propagative Headquarters and dozens of Greek officers led the Greek andar bands and the general Greater Greek propaganda after 1903. The Greek mitropolitans (among which Kostur, Drama, Bitola, Voden Greben and others were especially distinguished) had similar role. The Greek teachers worked as četnik instructors. The Greek diplomatic, church, school and communal institutions were transformed (by the help and the tolerance of the Turkish authority) into military-propagative centres in the struggle for suppressing the people’s liberation movement of the Macedonian people. Thereafter 1901 some mitropolits, consular clerks and others organised andar bands which undertook armed actions against the Macedonian revolutionaries, forced the church supporters (as also the Greeks from the boundary districts) to give up the revolutionary work. They, together with the Greek authority, boycotted the revolutionary organisations buying arms in Greece, persecuted the revolutionary supporters working in Greece and those who passed through it etc. The Secretary of the Greek consulate in Bitola Jon Dragimus worked on formation a Greek organisation with main aim to replace the Macedonian revolutionary organisation i.e. to fight against the revolutionary movement.

In June 1903 the first Greek band was sent to Macedonia and fought together with the andar band led by Vangel from Srebreno against the Macedonian revolutionaries during the Ilinden rising (St. Ilias’ rising). During and thereafter the Ilinden rising the Patriarchate, her metropolits, as well as the Greek government started openly working for the Turkish oppressors and the Greek diplomacy opposed any attempt undertaken by the Macedonian revolutionary organisation for a possible administrative (autonomious) separation of Macedonia. The organs of the Greater Greek propaganda took advantage of the present situation in Macedonia causing many blows to the revolutionary movement and strenghtened and spread over their positions. The Vrhovists and other organs of the Bulgarian propaganda took advantage of that activity for Anti-Greek actions. [< page 292]

They used many different means and methods: murders, corruptions, treacheries, forcing the peasants be loyal to the Patriarchate etc. The Greater Greek propaganda took advantage of the activity and the relationship the Greater Bulgarian ruling circles had towards the Macedonian people’s revolutionary movement to justify the Greater Greek četnik intervention in Macedonia after the Ilinden rising.

The preparations to organise the Greater Greek armed propaganda started in Macedonia at the end of 1903. With such a purpose, a officer’s mission led by Pavlos Melas visited Macedonia and tried to form andar bands from the native population, mainly from the Greeks of the boundary places, but without success. In Athenes "A Macedonian Committee" was formed under the leadership of D. Kalapatakis, who led the andar bands in Bitola district. Parallel with that dozens of Greek officers were sent to Macedonia under the leadership of the new General-consul in Salonika Lambros Karomilas and they were to organise and lead the andar bands. At the beginning two opinions existed: a group of officers thought the andar bands should be formed of the local residents, but others thought that they should be formed of Greek subjects. The actions undertaken by J. Dragumis, Karavangelis, P. Melas and others showed that it was impossible to expect any help from the local residents and the Greek government took the organisation and the formation of the andar bands under its complete control. It engaged its consuls, mitropolits of the Patriarchate, and many police stations, helped centres for forming and organising andar bands, sent officers and "volunteers", a lot of money and arms and all was needed for the Greater Greek armed intervention.

More han 2 million drahmas (Greek money) were spent for the andarism mainly from the governmental budget. This shows that the andarism was in fact undeclared querrilla struggle against the Macedonian people and its liberation.

The Greek policy towards Macedonia, 19th and 20th century, part 1

The Greek policy towards Macedonia during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, Risto Poplazarov [Македонска библиотека]

Грчката политика спрема Македонија... Ристо Поплазаров

(Armed, propagative, diplomatic and other Anti-Macedonian actions and the struggle against them)

During the formation of the Greek bourgeoisie, in which many "reformed" phanariots, feudal and half-feudal elements belonged, in co-operation with the high church hierarchy of the Patriarchate "a megali idea" (big idea) was formed to annex Macedonia and other non-Greek countries. To realize the megali idea in Macedonia Greece intensified the denationalization and assimilation of the Greater Greek legal and armed propaganda. The final aim was to annex as big part of Macedonia as it could to the Kingdom of Greece. In that manysided activity the Greek government took a big part gradually, which became more evident thereafter the Kreamerian War.

Within the framework of the governmental engagement H. Trikupis made so called "minimum programme" (in 1866) and the "Society for spreading over the Greek literacy", where the most extreme Greater Greek circles belonged, made "the maximum programme" for the Greater Greek territorial aspirations towards Macedonia and other countries. They two represented the "Panhelenic policy" of the megali idea. The Trikupis programme, which was accepted by many Greek governments, wanted the Macedonian districts south of the line of the Rodopi and the river Mesta passing north of Nevrokop-Strumica-Demir Hisar-Prilep-Kruševo-Ohrid finishing with the Adriatic Sea. Because of this programme the Greek government conducted many secret, diplomatic negotiations for partitioning Macedonia into authorative regions for other aims, but they did not neglect the Greek positions north of [< page 289] the above mentioned line. Such negotiations were conducted with Serbia in 1867 and between the Patriarchate and the Bulgarian church supporters in 1870.

During the new burst of the eastern crisis from 1875 to 1878 and thereafter, the Greater Greek policy stepped on a new imperialistic phase. That was characterised with many actions and demonstrations in the military, diplomatic, propagative and scientific field. Regardless the unsuccessful armed attempts during the Kreamerian War, in January 1878, the Greek ruling circles organised so called "Rising in Olymp" and till 1883 they undertook many četnik actions (Greek armed actions) in Sersko, Kostursko Lerinsko, Bitolsko, Solunsko and other districts. Their main aim was: to help the penetration of the Greek army in Tesalija (January-February 1878); to raise the Greek spirit of the Greeks in Macedonia; to show the world that it was a "Greek country"; to frighten the population with terror and armed propaganda and to force it stay "loyal" to the Patriarchate and the Greek policy; to make preassure on the negotiations between Greece and Turkey and the Great powers so that the latter would give the Greek Kingdom greater territorial and other acquisitions; and to strenghten the Greek positions and the Greater Greek propaganda in Macedonia.

During the next 20 years (after 1878) the Greater Greek propaganda tripled in getting material help (mainly money) as also personnel from the Greek Kingdom and the Greek kapitalists (merchants, bankers ...) and succeeded to enlarge the number of the propagative societies twice, the schools three times while the number of the pupils was enlarged five times. The propaganda became larger in quantity but it had a negative influence on the quality, and as a result of that a great number of the Macedonian villages denied the Patriarchate. Parallel with that the Greek "scientific propaganda" increased. Many books, pamphlets, newsletters were published into Greek and some foreign languages with aim to "prove" that "all and everything was Greek in Macedonia". Inspite of the great engagement in Macedonia (1877-1883) the Greek government did not display its aspirations towards Macedonia at the Berlin Treaty. Immediately after it Greece continued working more intensively for the realisation of the aspirations. An agreement in principle was achieved to divide Macedonia into authorative spheres at the secret Greek-Bulgarian negotiations during the years 1882-1883. According to a secret report the negotiators agreed "South Macedonia to be completely under Greek authority.., while north Mace- [< page 290] donia... should accept the Bulgarian rule and propaganda". Later similar Greek-Serbian negotiations were conducted when the Greek government "gave up" the northern Macedonia and Serbia "gave up" the south-east Macedonia.

During the following years till the end of the 19th century beside the intensive diplomatic activity and the stronger "legal" propaganda, the Greater circles, tried to organise new armed actions in Macedonia in 1885 and they sent so called andar bands (Greek armed bands) in Kažansko, Bersko, Negusko, Sersko and other districts in order "to organise rising" with propagative and plundering aims-similar as the previous actions. Beside that, this had a main aim. From the previous studies it could be seen that this was the preparation for the Greek-Turkish War in 1897, which was inspired by Germany and Austria. The latter thought to use Greece and Turkey completely or one of them and then to attract them to the Great powers. Terrain for that was prepared by the Etniki Eteria (National Society) led by Greek officers. Within the framework of megali idea, the National Society led by the king ruling elements, with the knowledge of the government, prepared great military psychosis and agitated "a general rising" in Macedonia. Some people form the opposition resisted that agitation (through the magazine "Nea imera") because they reckoned "the Greeks would not raise a rising". As far as the Slav population was concerned, it was known from the beginning that it would not help the struggle which had an aim to impose the Greek idea and "we do not have right to expect help from it as long as we consider Macedonia... completely Greek". Regardless these and other sound resistances of the oppositon special četnik bands called "rising bands" were sent but without any result.